The Megalithic Village of Orahili Fau

The second historic village we visited on our trip to South Nias was Orahili Fau. While it is not quite as impressive as Hilisamaetano, let alone Bawamataluo, this is still a first-rate traditional village with a large cobbled square, rows of traditional houses and numerous interesting megaliths and carvings. If this village was in mainland South-East Asia, it would probably be a major tourist attraction. However, on the remote island of Nias, it rarely sees a visitor.

The houses of Orahili Fau are arranged lengthwise along the main square

The village of Orahili Fau is located on a flat-topped hill at an elevation of around 150 metres above sea level. This means it is considerably lower than its nearby cousin of Bawamataluo. The locals clearly close it for its defensive position. It is surrounded on all sides by steep slopes and ravines and originally it had only a single gate on the western side. In addition to its defensibility, the site is also blessed with a wealth of water sources. There are seven springs or wells in the vicinity of the village and a small river called Sungai Batu Buaya (Crocodile Rock River!) is located only a kilometre away.

An ornament on one of the houses

As you might expect, this village has a fascinating history. One of the oldest villages in South Nias, it is the ‘ancestor’ village of Bawamataluo, the most famous village on the island. According to oral tradition, Bawamataluo was founded by people from Orahili Fau who broke off to form a new village on higher ground. The two villages are so closely interconnected by familial links and intermarriage that their histories cannot be untangled. According to oral tradition, Orahili Fau is actually the older village, and at some point a group of its residents broke off to found the new settlement of Bawamataluo. In 1864 the Dutch attacked the village of Orahili Fau and burnt most of its buildings to the ground. However, its citizens regrouped and rebuilt their village on the same site. This means that most of the timber buildings we see today do not predate the 1860s. (However, we may assume that many of the stone megaliths we see are of a much greater age.) One of the finest of the current timber houses is a large structure which is raised on massive wooden supports. Out front there is an unusual guardian figure which is part deer and part snake. It is colourfully painted and sports large, tusk-like fangs (see picture).

A lichen-splotched megalith with a traditional weapon motif

Yet there is more to Orahili Fau than just old houses. The village is also notable for its wide range of megaliths. There are six different types of stone megaliths in the village, include stone tables and chairs, megaliths shaped like the gendang (a percussion instrument) and an excellent example of the batu lompat, a jumping stone. In the picture at the top of this article you can see a row of stone slabs in front of the houses. Many of them have interesting motifs, ranging from the peaceful (fern fronds) to the decidedly war-like (shields, swords and spears). While the locals preserve these ancient artefacts, they aren’t exactly treated with reverence. It is common to see laundry drying on top of them.

The ‘batu lompat’ of Orahili Fau

The megalith which will be most interesting to visitors is probably the batu lompat. In the Nias language it is known as the fahombo or batu hombo. These megaliths, which are built from a numerous of irregular stones and topped with a capstone, are one of Nias’s most famous cultural artefacts. The example at Orahili Fau is one of the taller examples, reaching a height of approximately two metres. In pre-colonial times, Niassan men had to jump over this monument not only to prove their athletic prowess but also that they were ready to become a soldier and a husband. From around the age of ten, Niassan started their training to jump the batu hombo. This showed how much traditional Niassan society was imbued with a military mentality. Before the Dutch invasion, everything focused around readiness for war.

The Royal Graveyard of King Sidabutar

One of the most impressive natural sights in Indonesia is Lake Toba, the world’s largest crater lake. Apart from spectacular vistas, groves of pine trees and mountain mist, the area is home to the Toba Batak, one of three main groups of the Batak ethnic group. They have rich weaving traditions which may be of interest to textile enthusiasts. Alternately, you might be more interested in their vernacular architecture, which includes magnificent timber houses, various megaliths and stone tombs. One of the best places to see Batak tombs is in the village of Tomok, which has a beautiful hilltop graveyard.

Before you enter the innermost courtyard of the royal cemetery, it is worth looking at the large group of humanoid figures which is gathered in a sort of public square below the uppermost terrace. These figures, now thickly encrusted in lichen, have small bodies and large heads, somewhat like a miniature version of the statues on Easter Island. They are one of the largest and best-preserved collections of statuary anywhere in the region, though it is hard to find any specific information on these statues. At a guess, they might have been some sort of guardian figure originally.

A large group of humanoid statues alongside the royal graveyard

This graveyard commemorates King Sidabatur, who remains a revered ancestor in this part of the world. His reign is said to date to the second half of the sixteenth century. According to legend, he was the first man to set foot on the Pulau Samosir, the huge lake island which is found inside the Lake Toba. He is also claimed to have mystical powers which were embodied in his long, thick hair. A belief in the mystical powers of long hair in men is a common belief amongst the different ethnic groups of Lake Toba. It is further claimed that King Sidabatur carved his own tomb before his death. It can still be seen today. It looks rather like a Sphinx with a long, mask-like face at one end. At the time of our visit, there were betel leaves left on top of it as offerings. The king is still honored in these parts, with elements of ancestor worship co-existing with Christianity.

The tomb of King Sidabatur is still an object of veneration today

The graveyard also contains many other tombs, including that of other members of the royal family and valued members of his entourage. His loyal bodyguard is one of the people who is entombed in the complex. Another is Anteng Melila Senega, a woman who the king is said to have loved for many years, without her returning his affections. The most interesting of the tombs are generally those with a ‘sphinx-like’ appearance. There has even been conjecture that there might be a direct influence from Egypt, as the Batak traded as long ago as the 3rd century BC with ancient Egypt. Camphor from the island of Sumatra was used in mummification rituals during the New Kingdom. The Batak, a highland people, would take camphor down to the West Coast port of Barus, which was visited by Indian and Middle Eastern traders.

Stone megaliths jostle with Christian-style tombs

Whatever the origin of their design and form, the tombs are certainly arresting pieces of sculpture. They are a testimonial to an ancient megalithic culture, variants of which flowered in all the fertile highland regions of Sumatra. Though the style of each region is markedly different, megaliths can also be found in the Pasemah Highlands of South Sumatra, the Kerinci Valley from the middle part of the island, in the beautiful Minang highlands, and even on the offshore island of Nias. The Toba Batak megaliths and tombs in Tomok compare favorably with the best megalithic art from the island. They are one of the best historical offerings from North Sumatra, and should be seen by any culturally focused traveller who is visiting the Lake Toba area.

Candi Kembar Batu: The Temple of the Chinese War Gong

There are seven main temple complexes at Candi Muara Jambi that are still in reasonable repair; one of these is Candi Kembar Batu (literally “The Twin Rocks/Stones temple”). Overall, it is not a particularly impressive ruin, which is probably why it is much less photographed and written about than the two ‘star’ candis here: Candi Tinggi and Candi Gumpung. In articles or blog posts about Candi Muara Jambi, it is usually passed over or discussed perfunctorily; even the most detailed posts rarely do more than give its measurements and then move on to the next temple. But there are really precious few ancient candi (Hindu/Budhdist temples) left in Sumatra, so each one offers valuable clues as to the past. It is worth raking over this temple for as much information as we can get about it.

Like the other major remains at Candi Muara Jambi, this one is surrounded by a low perimeter fence. These were constructed of a brick outer casing over an interior of river shingle and sand from the Batanghari River. The outer wall here is approximately square, measuring 59 X 63 metres. Within the space there is one candi induk (Mother Temple) and five candi perwara (satellite temples) and there are also the foundations of other largely vanished structures. All of the structures are built of plain bricks and none of them feature anything in the way of decoration. The most eye-catching of what has survived is the Mother Temple, which measures just over 11.3 x 11.4 metres, with a staircase extending outwards from the main temple body. It only reaches a height of 2.8 metres. It is presumed that this was formerly the brick base of a larger structure with wooden pillars and a roof. This sort of open-sided pavilion is still common in parts of Java and Bali. What we see now is probably only the base of the original structure, which is why it looks rather unprepossessing.

The interest of this modest temple complex is increased somewhat if you bear in mind the archaeological finds which have been made at the site. As at many other sites at Candi Muara Jambi, there was been a lot of Chinese porcelain found at the site. This mostly dates to the period from the 10th to the 12th century, when the Malayu kingdom (the predecessor of the Jambi Sultanate) was at its height and when the Sung Dynasty held sway in China. We also know from historical records that there was a lot of Malayu-Chinese diplomacy and trade going on towards the end of the eleventh century, with no less than 6 missions from Muara Jambi reaching the Chinese imperial court. Therefore, this temple complex was probably built during the ‘flower time’ of the kingdom.

The austere ruins at the site

Apart from sherds of Sung Dynasty porcelain, the site has also yielded gold and silver Chinese coins and an inscribed Chinese blade. But the most intriguing of Candi Kembar’s artifacts is surely a Sung Dynasty war gong. This bronze gong, somewhat encrusted with viridian, bears the date 1231 and it even bears an inscription in Chinese. The gong has been the subject of an essay by academic Claudine Lombard-Salmon, who considers as a potential new historical source for the late Sriwijaya period. Her essay makes several interesting points about the history of the gong.

Lombard-Salmon explains that there was a great shortage of copper during the Sung Dynasty and that successive emperors had placed a ban on the export of it. This makes the appearance of a Chinese gong in Muara Jambi in the 13th century all the more interesting. Lombard-Salmon puts forward two possible explanations of how it reached Muara Jambi. She notes that a trade in smuggled bronzewares certainly existed, as there have been 13th century Chinese gongs found in at least two shipwrecks- one at Pulau Buaya in Indonesia’s Riau Archipelago and another off the coast of Java. In this case, the war gong was just an unusual piece of 13th century contraband.

Lombard-Salmon tends to prefer a second hypothesis, however. In this telling there was a sizable Chinese merchant population at Muara Jambi (a view supported by the finding of the Chinese golden blade and a large bronze cauldron). Noting that the style of this gong is different from the shipwreck gongs in that parts of it have been soldered, she wonders whether the Master Hong of the inscription was in fact a resident of Muara Jambi. In this telling, he was a very early example of a ‘Straits Chinese’. She offers the possibility that not only was there a Chinese quarter at Muara Jambi but that there was also a Chinese artisan community there forging gongs, cauldrons and other bronzewares. Moreover, this community had its own armory to store its weapons and war gongs- presumably before they were put into service guarding shipping in the Straits. It is certainly a theory which offers many interesting insights into the economy and politics of 13th century Jambi.

What Lombard-Salmon didn’t discuss was why a Malayu (or Chinese) war gong ended up in Candi Kembar Batu. This question could also prompt a considerable amount of conjecture, but the link between gongs and temples is quite strong in South-East Asia, so its appearance doesn’t seem too surprising. In Bali, for example, the gamelan gong gede (the big gong orchestra) will often make an appearance during temple festivals. Further afield in Thailand and Burma, large, bronze gongs are sometimes displayed in Buddhist temples; for example, giant, suspended gongs feature prominently in temples in the town of Roi Et, in Thailand’s Northeastern Isaan region. That a war gong would have been put to use in a Buddhist temple at Muara Jambi need not seem too surprising then. Perhaps it once hung from a wooden frame in one of the ruined temples at Candi Kembar Batu.

Shopping in Srivijaya

Srivijaya, the historic name for the city of Palembang, was one of the leading trade entrepôts of the East, with traders coming from Java, India, Arabia and China to buy its exotic store of jungle products. This post aims to introduce to some of the animal products, plants, woods, and spices which drew traders to the city on the Musi. The first of these is cubeb, a kind of pepper which is still extensively used in Indonesian cooking, but which was then widely believed to have medicinal properties throughout Asia.

Cubeb is a kind of pepper widely used in Indonesian cooking

Another popular purchase from Srivijayan warehouses was benzoin. This was a kind of resin taken from the styrax plant, and it was highly valued in Asia as a kind of incense and today it is still sometimes used in fragrances.

 

Benzoin was a kind of resin used to make incense

 

Another kind of aromatic resin which was sold in Srivijaya was known, dramatically, as ‘dragon’s blood’ resin. It was in fact obtained from the fruit of a jungle palm, but the name was a good piece of medieval marketing in my opinion.

Dragon’s blood resin had aromatic properties, too

Another olfactory delight was sandalwood, whose fragrant bark was also burnt in the temples of ancient South-East Asia and beyond. Similarly, cinnamon, known in Indonesia as kayu manis- literally, sweet wood- was a common sight in the markets of the great riverside city.

The bark of the sandalwood tree has a sweet smell

In addition to all these exotic plant products, the region’s plentiful fauna was also commercially harvested. The shopper in Srivijaya would have been able to buy ivory, rhino horn (from the woolly Sumatran rhino) and tiger pelts.

Tiger pelts have been sold in Sumatra since antiquity

Jambi Before the Dutch Takeover

In the seventeenth century, the Sultan of Jambi was a powerful figure and the city of Jambi might have been the second biggest in all Sumatra. At this point, the Dutch were focused on Java and the Spice Islands (The Malukus); therefore, the settlement on the Batanghari River was well down their list of priorities. During this period, Jambian prosperity was due to the pepper trade, with the sultanate’s pepper plantations enjoying a good reputation throughout the trading ports of Asia. However, this situation was not to last.

As other areas began producing the trade spice, the sultanate went into decline. The dramatic rise of Palembang in the eighteenth century only hastened the port’s decline towards obscurity. By the mid-eighteenth century, Jambi was only a very minor player in the politics and trade of Sumatra. This was due partly to internal Jambian rivalries, but the main cause was the preference of the colonial players to focus on the West Coast of the Sumatra during this period. The British maintained their main outpost at Bengkulu, which was eventually presided over by Sir Stamford Raffles, and the Dutch also focused on the Indian Ocean coast. Their main Sumatran outpost was Padang on the coast of West Sumatra and its thriving old town was perhaps the main European settlement in Sumatra. While the Jambi area did retain a few pepper plantations, no one was very impressed overall. Here is what British traveller William Marsden had to say about Jambi in 1783:

Although of considerable size it is inferior to Siak and Indragiri. At an early stage of European commerce in these parts it was of some importance …The trade consists chiefly in gold dust, pepper and canes [ rattan ] but the most of what is produced of the first article proceeds across the country to the western coast, and the quality of the second is not held in high esteem. The port is therefore but little frequented by any other than native merchants.

In addition to colonial disinterest and even contempt, the sultanate of Jambi seems to have been seriously divided against itself, with the supposed raja holding only nominal power, at least to Western eyes. A visitor to those parts around 1820, a certain S. Cooke observed:

They have no regular forms of law, police or government, in any of its modifications; but the sultan is nominally supreme and arbitrary. Ignorant and weak however, in reality, his authority is slighted and usurped by every ambitious chieftain and the kingdom is throughout in a state of confusion and misrule.

This perception of internal divisions is supported by a recent archaeological dig in the Jambi Highlands which showed that the village of Dusun Tinggi had built heavy, labour-intensive fortifications, including a 1.5 metre deep moat, dating from around this period. There were also some traces of firearms being used. Clearly there no monopoly on force being exercised by the king of Jambi; defense was being organized by local chieftains. It is hardly surprising then that when the Dutch sought to extend control over the area in the nineteenth century, due mostly to fear of their European rivals, it was easy for them to play Jambian authorities off against each other and consolidate their power.

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The pepper plant was once the mainstay of the Jambian economy